The fact that the Nationalist Party has a problem with the chief of the police force is not new in the party’s history. Nor is there anything new in the fact that the Nationalist Party is experiencing a period of political turbulence. The truth is that the Nationalist Party has a history of internal friction and distrust in the  police force. Often defeats are associated with dissent and political turmoil, yet for the PN, even electoral victories can bring serious discontent within the party.

A document in our State Archives in Rabat shows that the Nationalist victory in 1932 brought political dissent within the party. In those days, the Nationalist Party won 21 out of the 32 seats in the Legislative Assembly, as Parliament was thencalled. This meant that it was  the largest party in Malta. Moreover, the PN also had five of the seven elected seats in the Senate.

Such an overwhelming victory nurtured dissent and this was so vibrant that it could not pass unnoticed. The cause of discord arose from the fact that the PN’s top brass failed to maintain a united front towards the established institutions.  Eighty-five years on, the Nationalist Party is once again in the same situation. Back then in 1932, the Police force was considered to have been formed with recruits who were anti-Nationalist. Furthermore, the new government did not have faith in a number of individuals who headed some of the key institutions on the island, including the Commissioner of Police. But not all the members of Cabinet were on the same wavelength as to what type of action was to be taken. While some recommended prudence, others insisted on adopting tough measures.

The British Colonial Administration in Malta got wind of this internal unrest through Harold Scorey. Scorey was born in Valletta but was educated in the UK. He started out as a journalist with the Malta Chronicle, eventually becoming sub-editor of the newspaper between 1937-1940 and assistant editor between 1949 and 1952. He was Malta’s correspondent for the Associated Press. In the 1961, Scorey joined Rediffusion.

This archival document exposes a hidden aspect in Scorey’s life. He used his journalism to spy on the Nationalist Party. He avidly reported about internal divisions within the PN to the British masters. Perhaps, Scorey’s story shows us that the fourth pillar is not always a beacon of honesty and liberty as one may wish it to be. Journalists too can be faithful servants of a regime. It is time for historians to start delving into this obscure world in our history.

The British did not believe all that Scorey told them, in particular his insistence that the PN was on the verge of disintegration. Such a claim was considered to be far-fetched but they did believe that there was serious trouble brewing within Cabinet, as the Nationalist ministers were not agreeing among themselves on policies and actions. 

The Cabinet was made up of DrUgo P. Mifsud, who was Head of Ministry (which was equivalent to Prime Minister) and Minister responsible for Justice. Dr Carmelo Mifsud Bonnici was Minister of Finance and Police. Dr Giuseppe Micallef was Minister for Agriculture and Fisheries. Mgr Enrico Dandria was Minister for Education. Dr Giovanni Adami was Minister for Public Works and Dr Enrico Mizzi was responsible for Posts, Commerce, Industry and Customs. Notary Salvatore Borg Olivier was responsible for Health and Charitable Institutions.

The transcript of the interview was marked Secret, which meant that it was for the eyes of a very restricted group of individuals within the colonial administration. Given the period, this information was shared between the Governor, who at the time was David Campbell, and his inner circle.

Scorey passed the information, in the form of an interview, a few days after the 1932 election held between 11 and 13 June and definitely before 3 July, the day on which Dandria died. His death was followed by a cabinet reshuffle.

In this document, Scorey reports - perhaps exaggeratedly - that the top brass of the Nationalist party in the 1930s were all vying for the leadership post. Salvatore Borg Olivier, who was Giorgio Borg Oliver’s uncle, was the one who was most interested in this post and appears to have been even ready to back-stab Ugo Mifsud. In today’s terminology, he would be labelled an extremist but was well loved for his strong stand against the colonial administration to the extent that he was nicknamed as il-feroċi or “the ferocious”. 

Scoreyobserves  that the replacement of Governor John Philip Du Cane with David Campbell  eased political tension in Malta. Du Cane was overtly in support of Gerald Strickland and this had created unnecessary tensions in Malta. According to Scorey, there was a section of the PN that started to build up confidence in Governor David Campbell but many within the party were still diffident of his Lieutenant, Harry Luke, whom they accused of being responsible for London’s tough stand on the teaching of Italian in Government schools. Luke took up his post towards the end of Du Cane’s governorship. 

In this document, it is stated that Mizzi had serious health problems. Most probably, this was a case of mistaken identity as the reference should have been for Enrico Dandria, who had the same first name as Minister Mizzi.

More importantly, the issue of Italian Language in Malta was only mentioned en passant. Unlike what is usually stated in our history books, the language question does not really appear to have been Britain’s real preoccupation after the 1932 election and Enrico Mizzi does not seem to have been a source of concern for the British. Indeed, what appears to have worried Britain was not policies but political personalities. In fact, in this report, it is quite clear that England was interested in certain Nationalist politicians and their attacks on the island’s institutions.

Reading this document, one is tempted to argue that if Dandria had not died, (he died shortly afterwards) the 1921 Constitution would not have been suspended and eventually withdrawn. The Constitution was withdrawn because of the language question. But by then, the Minister of Education was no longer Dandria but Enrico Mizzi, who had taken over following Dandria’s demise.

Judging from this document, the British seem to have been after any excuse to remove the constitution. Instead of the language question, they would have used the Nationalist Government’s attack on local institutions, in particular, that against the Chief of Police Salvatore Galea (1928-1939) and the lack of trust in the Post Master General, John Bonnett (1929-1937), as an excuse for withdrawing the Constitution and putting an end to self-government in Malta. I know it for a fact that Captain Salvatore Galea was a person of high moral rectitude. Judging from this document, it seems that Salvatore Borg Olivier had a personal grudge against Galea. As Malta was under colonial rule, it was impossible for senior public officers to be dismissed by government. The problem with Galea and Bonnett was that they had both been appointed by the previous government of Gerald Strickland.

On the Nationalist side, the infighting brought the head of the Party Executive of the time, the photographer Critien to mediate. He was not successful. The fight within the party against  the Minister of Police, whom Scorey addresses simply as Bonnici, continued after the suspension of the Constitution in 1933.

This document throws new light on why Carmelo Mifsud Bonnici fell out of favour with the Nationalist Party after 1932. Was the root of distrust related to the fact that Mifsud Bonnici protected an honest Police Commissioner from the attacks of Borg Olivier who was eyeing the leadership of the Party? Mifsud Bonnici was accused by some of his former colleagues of being a collaborator of the British. Perhaps, Campbell’s successor, Charles Bonham Carter’s approach to Mifsud Bonnici, immediately after taking office, is the result of Mifsud Bonnici being considered one of the few moderate politicians on the Nationalist front with whom they could dialogue. 

What follows is the document reporting the meeting in full.

Secret

The following was obtained at an interview with Scorey. Although it is probably exaggerated the account of the difficulties in the Nationalist Party are presumed to be fairly true.

“The trouble with the Nationalist Party is that all the ministers want to be leaders, and all of them have pet schemes which they want to push through. For instance, Micallef, the Minister for Agriculture, has advocated an agricultural policy which the majority of the cabinet are opposed to, and he threatens to resign unless his proposals are agreed to. In fact, there is a great desire to cut down the money allotted to agriculture. Borg Olivier has, on the other hand, prepared an ultimatum for the return of Ugo Mifsud stating that unless he is given charge of the Police, he also will resign from the cabinet.

Mr. Bonnici is thought to be too weak in his handling of the police, especially Police Officers, and the popularity which he has gained prevents him from carrying out the wholesale victimization of the police forces desired by the Nationalists.

H.E., in addition to being very popular, is now considered to be very astute. This impression is caused by his handling of the Commissionership of Police problem. The Nationalists are still unfriendly to Mr Luke, as they consider he has been responsible for the Italian Language decision of the British Government.

There is a certain amount of talk of Ugo Mifsud returning to London as Agent-General. In this case, Borg-Olivier will become head of the Ministry, as the Nationalists are resigning themselves to the fact that Mizzi, for health reasons, no longer be able to play an active part in politics.

It is said in Nationalist circles that “Mid-day Views” will cease publication at the end of September. Arrangements were discussed with the Agent-General in London for starting another newspaper, but nothing has so far materialized. The dissensions in the Nationalist Party are very great, and already a Nationalist Council of Action has been formed which under the Presidency of Critien, the photographer, will approach ministers on their return from London, and urge them to undertake a constructive programme, otherwise it is thought that the party will disintegrate.

The attacks on Captain Galea at the Customs House and Bonnett, the Post-Master General, in the Mid-day Views have no real significance behind them but are made to satisfy grudges members of the Nationalist Party have against these men.”

It appears that history does repeat itself.