In my years as a Labour Minister, MP, National Executive Member and official and party delegate, never have I seen a particular subject discussed at such length.
Not even when we had up for review our economic policy update prior to the 2003 general elections.
It was an entirely democratic process where no delegate was discriminated against, unless he expected to be given more preference than others.
Although Dr Karmenu Mifsud Bonnici abused the party’s generosity by gate-crashing the assembly meetings which he was not entitled to attend, the party officials did well not to react in kind by objecting to his presence.
On the contrary, on each occasion he was given the opportunity to explain his position which was then in turned countered by the very lucid explanations given by the party’s European Affairs main spokesman, Dr George Vella.
Except for a minor hitch towards the end of the conference debate, when the odd hot-heads allowed their passion to get the better of them, the extraordinary general conference went very smoothly.
Although the CNi leader and the Moviment Laburista Populari “spokesperson” had been claiming that with the Constitutional Treaty, the special references to neutrality and to Gozo’s regional dimension would be obliterated, this misleading interpretation was soon corrected by Dr Vella, after he read out to conference the legal opinion by the European Commission, which confirmed that such protocols will still stand unimpaired.
It is a pity that not enough space or publicity was given by the local media to the legal opinion Dr Vella obtained through the good services of the energetic MEP Joseph Muscat.
From then onwards it was pretty downhill for those opposing the qualified “yes” vote to the Treaty.
I admired the sense of loyalty of veteran Labourite Carmelo Sciberras from Gharghur who seconded KMB’s motion, in the sense that although he admitted supporting the motion because he believed in it (as he was fully entitled to do), he was ready to abide by the final decision of the general conference.
With such a positive attitude, it is not difficult to achieve inclusivity within the Labour Party.
Although personality differences and clashes will always remain, as has always been the case in every party, movement and/or organisation, I agree with deputy leader Michael Falzon that the MLP should strive for inclusivity.
In my opinion this can be easily achieved so long as those involved:
• respect the party leadership;
• undertake to abide by party policies;
• respect party disciplinary codes and norms;
• undertake to operate within the party’s democratic structures;
• refrain from pushing forward any hidden agendas to undermine the party leadership.
With the hand of friendship and solidarity that leader Alfred Sant extended to all those who voted against the national executive and parliamentary group resolution, this should not be hard to achieve. All that it takes is goodwill, and a strong commonsense approach from all those who might differ on tactics and strategy but whose objective, like ours, is to see a Labour government in power at the very first opportunity.
Comparing and contrasting this healthy state of affairs in the Labour Party with the authoritarian manner in which things seem to be run within the PN – as diligently outlined by the hard-working and charismatic general secretary of the Labour Party Jason Micallef – Labour delegates and supporters should feel proud of the democratic manner in which the Labour Party functions and operates.
I am confident that, as hoped for, Labour will come out much stronger from this extraordinary general conference.
We are now in a position to hit the ground running by focusing on the domestic agenda without necessarily abandoning discussions about developments on the international scene.
What is important is that from now onwards we should not allow the EU issue to detract attention any more from the core issues that are eating away and sapping the strength and moral fibre of a disgruntled electorate.
A Nationalist colleague recently told me that Labour can win the election, even if it sleepwalks all the way to the polls.
I will qualify that conclusion.
Labour stands a good chance of winning unless it shoots itself in the foot.
I am confident that Labour has learnt from past mistakes and that it will set the agenda firmly but diligently, with a mixed degree of pro-activity and cautiousness.
The Nationalist Party is so much in disarray that things have reached the stage where certain militants feel that the show is being run single-handedly by Minister Gatt, while PM Gonzi continues to operate in the shadows.
I know that there has been much speculation about whether there will be a Nationalist government reshuffle or not.
That this is long overdue is something I agree with, but I personally have my doubts as to how much clout and resolve Lawrence Gonzi has to carry out the necessary changes, except for finding a “role” – not necessarily within Cabinet – for former Minister Dalli, in the hope of papering over some of the cracks that have seen the light of day in recent months.
If such a reshuffle has to happen, this will take place anytime between the parliamentary recess and the end of September.
Failure to carry out the necessary changes after that date would mean that Gonzi has resigned himself to operating with the same jaded team.
And yet Labour cannot afford to rest on its laurels.
In the coming months it needs to map out its strategy with clinical precision, by striking a fine balance between issues that appeal to the hearts and minds of Labour supporters and all those disillusioned voters who are simply yearning for a better-managed economy and a fairer society.
I am confident that we will make it on two counts.
Firstly, because we are the better team and secondly, because the time for the jaded Nationalist Party to go back to the opposition benches is long overdue.
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Leo Brincat is the main opposition spokesman on Foreign Affairs and IT.