While the first TV debate between Romano Prodi and Silvio Berlusconi was won hands down by the former, the second and final debate which took place Monday week failed to rise to the occasion. What stood out were the insults which overshadowed the poll debate with Prodi citing the old witticism that Berlusconi used statistics like a drunk uses lamp-posts, more for support than illumination and with Berlusconi hitting back that only coglioni (literally meaning testicles but a euphemism for idiots and fools) would bother to vote for the centre-left coalition.

Although Lawrence Gonzi might not have yet stooped so low, in spite of his anti-Sant harangues, Berlusconi’s campaign reminded me very much of the Nationalist Party’s style of campaigning in the sense that they first presented themselves as dream-sellers/vendors during the EU referendum campaign only to resort to a campaign of fear in their hope of weakening the growing support for the Labour Party. They did this during the recent local elections. And this is also likely to be their campaign approach in the forthcoming run-up to the general elections.

It is reliably understood that the Nationalist Party was far more than merely sympathetic towards the Berlusconi bandwagon during the recent election campaign. Correspondence in our party’s hands bears proof of this.

I dread to imagine what the Nationalists would have said had we had as bedfellows a neighbour Prime Minister who stood out for his crony capitalism and government incompetence.

Imagine what the British would have said had they ended up with a Prime Minister of whatever political ilk, who controlled a vast business empire spanning tv, football and finance.

This apart from the accusations that he has faced over the years linked to alleged perjury, judge bribery and false or creative accounting!

Not to mention the various occasions were he allegedly changed the law to protect himself.

It might be worth revisiting David Lane’s incisive Berlusconi’s shadow to realise what Italy lived through these past few years.

Led as it was by an otherwise charismatic and ambitious personality who rose to success not only as a property developer and media baron, but also through shadowy business links and a cobwebby network of offshore companies.

Possibly the most ironic moment of the Berlusconi premiership took place in November 1994 when at the same time that he was hosting in Naples a United Nations summit on crime, we came to learn that he was under investigation for financial felonies.

Some people argue that the Italians had originally voted Berlusconi into power in the hope that he would revive the Italian economy the same way he had succeeded in making his own fortune.

Alas, the Berlusconi magic did not work either on this level.

The Italy that went to the polls last weekend is perhaps one of the major European countries beset by economic and social stagnation.

Some have commented on the fact that apart from lack of job prospects, Italy has such a dearth of young leaders that the two front-runners were a 69-year-old up against a 66-year-old.

One sincerely hopes that the up and coming Italian generation will have enough room to operate in, rather than being ostracised by the existing power structures.

An unemployed qualified engineer said it all in a recent edition of Time Magazine when she compared herself to a potted plant – well taken care of but no chance to grow!

Although by the time of writing exit polls were not out yet, I can safely predict a centre-left victory whose biggest challenge – apart from renewing and reinvigorating Italy will be that of keeping its alliance from fragmenting itself.

In electing Berlusconi in the past, the Italians were either too gullible or too trusting.

Let us hope that this time round they made the right choice that will steer them away from the political patronage and nepotism that has characterised their way of life in recent years – in sharp contrast with life in the northern parts of Europe.

The same goes for the much-needed attention that is called for to their current stagnant and dismal economy, as reflected in their non-existent economic growth as well as in their burgeoning public debt.

Not to mention the South which in spite of the strong support that it gave Berlusconi over the years remains as neglected and as crime-infested as it has been decades ago.

The Maltacom privatisation

It is not for me to decide whether the preferred bidder for the Maltacom privatisation was the best candidate or not, but even if it turns out to be a fully-fledged strategic partner – which I doubt because of its alleged nascent track record in mobile telephony – if successful it will be the only strategic partner that was seriously interested in Maltacom.

Why?

Because in the Minister’s own words, the Saudis were merely an investment house that was going to use Telecom Italia as part of a mere management agreement. C & W had enough problems on their plate to remain in the running. While the Slovenians dropped out much earlier in the game.

So much for the remaining Jewel in the Crown that was up for privatisation!

In emphasising the fact that the other prospective candidates for the company’s privatisation were not up to par, the government merely strengthened the negotiating hand of Tecom in the process.

This will turn the government’s endeavours to improve upon the 30 per cent valuation discount on the last price quoted on the MSE before the privatisation preferred bidder announcement was made.

One sincerely hopes that the government will not rush headlong with the sole objective of reducing the national debt in its desperate bid to satisfy Maastricht criteria.

As far as the shareholders are concerned, there must be little consolation in the fact that the current trading price is marginally higher than that offered by Tecom in their initial bid.

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Leo Brincat is the Shadow Minister for Foreign Affairs and IT.