The word ‘democracy’ traces its origin to the classical Greek city states and to the rule of the demos or the body of citizens: the right of all to decide what is matters of general concern. The size of modern nation states has meant that, (with due exception for provisions to hold referenda) the democratic process is indirect by nature i.e. through the election of representatives, hence the term representative democracy.

The criteria of democracy are, therefore, (a) whether elections are free; (b) whether such elections provide an effective choice and (c) whether the elected body of representatives – variously known as parliament, congress, national assembly etc – has the right of legislation, the right to control public finances, specifically the budget, and the right to publicly question, discuss, criticise and oppose government measures without being subjected to threats of interference or arrest.

It has taken years of conflict, even bloodshed, for democracy to establish a foothold in many countries and to grow roots. Even so, it has not matured uniformly in every country and, where it has reached anything like maturity, the price of freedom is eternal vigilance.

There are authoritarian elements in the theory of democracy itself. The concept of majority rule means that the majority have the means to disregard the wishes of the minority, whether it is large or small. Such disregard amounts to tyranny.

The tyranny of the majority can take many forms, such as the organisation of special interests, arbitrary state intervention or the arrogation of excessive powers, encroaching on the powers of Parliament and the courts. Tyranny could also be indirect and exercised through the paraphernalia of bureaucracy. This happens when the real power of the executive passes more and more from the hands of ministers, who can be called to account by the elected representatives of the people, into the hands of officials who can not.

This undermines the whole scheme of self-government and establishes a form of bureaucratic despotism on the ruins of the two leading features of the Constitution – the sovereignty of Parliament and the rule of law. Real self-government means rule by the people (through their representatives) for the people, through the democratic process of open government. It does not mean government behind closed doors, manipulated by furtive abuse or the excessive use of patronage, and much less by using quangos and bureaucratic phantoms, that go by the name of authorities and Foundations, as decoys for abuse.

Real democratic government insists on clear-cut safeguards against arbitrariness, against the abuse of prerogative and against the exercise of unrestrained discretionary authority on the part of government. As Lord Bryce pointed out many years ago “Neglect to fix responsibility has been one of the most fertile sources of trouble in popular government”. That is why transparency and the consent of the governed are of essence.

During the past years, there has been rising concern in these islands about the general quality of the local democratic process, particularly about the lack of democratic scrutiny and the exercise of state power at national level.

Foundations and authorities have been set up at great expense and are operating beyond direct parliamentary oversight. Taxation has been creeping by stealth under various forms. Rather than being treated as a partner, the Malta Council for Economic and Social Development (MCESD) has been used as a handmaiden of the administration, a talking shop at best- as one of the Wise Ones once told us, unperturbed at the insult this is to the participant organisations. But then, who cares if anyone is offended!

A whole privileged class is solidly entrenched in the PN fortifications, having been anointed by the grace of patronage.

All this has taken place at the expense of popular legitimacy and, in the end, provoked a backlash, with thousands deserting the PN at the last Euro-Parliamentary elections. (The PN polled 97,688 first preference votes, compared to l46,l75 votes at the general Elections, held barely one year earlier).

One would have presumed that this would have taught the new PN Leader, Lawrence Gonzi, a salutary lesson. It did not. On the contrary, the PN reacted with disdain to the electoral yellow card. The GonziPN outfit proceeded to offer more of the same.

Gonzi’s performance has been such that it appeared to be rather more appropriate for a Grand Master than for a Prime Minister, with the result that that the electorate lost all sense of control over its affairs.

Malta has been reduced to a democracy without the demos!

No self-respecting demo, conscious of his/her rights, is likely to take such a situation lying down. 6 June may be the day the GonziPN team should be made to realise this... and deservedly so.

Marlene Mizzi is a PL candidate for the European parliament election

[email protected]

www.mizzimarlene.comThe word ‘democracy’ traces its origin to the classical Greek city states and to the rule of the demos or the body of citizens: the right of all to decide what is matters of general concern. The size of modern nation states has meant that, (with due exception for provisions to hold referenda) the democratic process is indirect by nature i.e. through the election of representatives, hence the term representative democracy.

The criteria of democracy are, therefore, (a) whether elections are free; (b) whether such elections provide an effective choice and (c) whether the elected body of representatives – variously known as parliament, congress, national assembly etc – has the right of legislation, the right to control public finances, specifically the budget, and the right to publicly question, discuss, criticise and oppose government measures without being subjected to threats of interference or arrest.

It has taken years of conflict, even bloodshed, for democracy to establish a foothold in many countries and to grow roots. Even so, it has not matured uniformly in every country and, where it has reached anything like maturity, the price of freedom is eternal vigilance.

There are authoritarian elements in the theory of democracy itself. The concept of majority rule means that the majority have the means to disregard the wishes of the minority, whether it is large or small. Such disregard amounts to tyranny.

The tyranny of the majority can take many forms, such as the organisation of special interests, arbitrary state intervention or the arrogation of excessive powers, encroaching on the powers of Parliament and the courts. Tyranny could also be indirect and exercised through the paraphernalia of bureaucracy. This happens when the real power of the executive passes more and more from the hands of ministers, who can be called to account by the elected representatives of the people, into the hands of officials who can not.

This undermines the whole scheme of self-government and establishes a form of bureaucratic despotism on the ruins of the two leading features of the Constitution – the sovereignty of Parliament and the rule of law. Real self-government means rule by the people (through their representatives) for the people, through the democratic process of open government. It does not mean government behind closed doors, manipulated by furtive abuse or the excessive use of patronage, and much less by using quangos and bureaucratic phantoms, that go by the name of authorities and Foundations, as decoys for abuse.

Real democratic government insists on clear-cut safeguards against arbitrariness, against the abuse of prerogative and against the exercise of unrestrained discretionary authority on the part of government. As Lord Bryce pointed out many years ago “Neglect to fix responsibility has been one of the most fertile sources of trouble in popular government”. That is why transparency and the consent of the governed are of essence.

During the past years, there has been rising concern in these islands about the general quality of the local democratic process, particularly about the lack of democratic scrutiny and the exercise of state power at national level.

Foundations and authorities have been set up at great expense and are operating beyond direct parliamentary oversight. Taxation has been creeping by stealth under various forms. Rather than being treated as a partner, the Malta Council for Economic and Social Development (MCESD) has been used as a handmaiden of the administration, a talking shop at best- as one of the Wise Ones once told us, unperturbed at the insult this is to the participant organisations. But then, who cares if anyone is offended!

A whole privileged class is solidly entrenched in the PN fortifications, having been anointed by the grace of patronage.

All this has taken place at the expense of popular legitimacy and, in the end, provoked a backlash, with thousands deserting the PN at the last Euro-Parliamentary elections. (The PN polled 97,688 first preference votes, compared to l46,l75 votes at the general Elections, held barely one year earlier).

One would have presumed that this would have taught the new PN Leader, Lawrence Gonzi, a salutary lesson. It did not. On the contrary, the PN reacted with disdain to the electoral yellow card. The GonziPN outfit proceeded to offer more of the same.

Gonzi’s performance has been such that it appeared to be rather more appropriate for a Grand Master than for a Prime Minister, with the result that that the electorate lost all sense of control over its affairs.

Malta has been reduced to a democracy without the demos!

No self-respecting demo, conscious of his/her rights, is likely to take such a situation lying down. 6 June may be the day the GonziPN team should be made to realise this... and deservedly so.

Marlene Mizzi is a PL candidate for the European parliament election

[email protected]

www.mizzimarlene.com