Of course hard-core Labourites would feel shocked by certain government appointments, especially since every time a known Labour sympathiser has been appointed by this new Labour government there has been a quick and vehement condemnation by the Nationalist Opposition which, so far, still seems unable to orientate itself properly in its new location inside the House of Representatives.

Bear in mind the fact that for the past 25 years or so, every Labour-inclined person on these islands was barred from being appointed to any official position, and that’s apart from the vindictive and unjust treatment received by thousands of Labourites at their place of work simply because of their political beliefs. While they often offered loyal and efficient service, promotions and top management positions were bluntly denied to them.

Does that mean that the recent change of government should have led to more of the same, this time with Nationalist sympathisers being on the receiving end? Not if we want to change the Maltese political psyche. It is exactly this mentality that has, for too many years now, polarised this minuscule nation, dividing it into two main tribes, Red and Blue.

Can it go on like this? Certainly. It would have been much easier for Joseph Muscat to play that same old game until the next change of government, and to hell with national unity and reconciliation. Instead, he has chosen to take the turbulent channel inside which only the bravest and the most cunning can survive. It is, after all, what he promised.

It is also all so déjà vu. Never in the history of Maltese politics have we seen so much happening in the space of a mere five years. Rewind to 2008 when Labour was still reeling from the shock of a third consecutive electoral defeat. Again, hard-core Labourites were not too happy watching the old Labour Brigade being dismantled (it had served – and overstayed – its purpose, i.e. the late colonial period). They also did not like the old party emblem being renovated. Nor did they jump for joy when they realised the old party anthem had been relegated to bottom of the repertoire. They also grudgingly watched former adversaries suddenly becoming regular visitors to the party headquarters in Hamrun.

Joseph Muscat eventually won their trust. He couldn’t have done it without their support, reluctant or not. Many of them loved the party enough to step aside so as to let many a young or not-so-young newcomer take up a new role within the party. Muscat often thanked them publicly for their readiness to work with the new recruits and the former adversaries. It is why Labour not only finally became, again, a power to be reckoned with and electable, but also why it won with that historic margin last March. That is the bigger picture we all have to consider when assessing today’s decisions.

Yes, there is a sore thumb sticking out of the National Festivities Foundation appointed recently, but it would be unwise to regard it as an “up yours” gesture. It is episode two of a Joseph Muscat revolution that should see us doing away with all the silliness that for far too long has characterised the whole “National Day” issue. Under the astute chairmanship of my old MQL colleague Oliver Friggieri, I am sure that the men and women of integrity who have been appointed will get us there.

Come to think of it, wouldn’t I love watching Lou Bondi, in his red Che Guevara T-shirt, celebrating Freedom Day at Birgu, with that same fraternal spirit reigning when Independence Day comes along?

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Move Queenie to Hastings

Whoever it was that came up with it, I like the idea of having the 7th June monument, famously relegated to Hastings Gardens as part of the Palace Square refurbishment project, returned to a prominent spot in the capital city. I also like the proposed spot for it – upstaging the Queen Victoria monument in the square adjacent to the presidential palace.

With Valletta now officially declared a European Cultural Capital, it certainly makes sense to dedicate the best city spaces to our national heroes. Moving the queen to Hastings in what could be a fair arrangement of monumental proportions would irk only a few sentimental, if obsolete, boneheads.

Like government appointments and national festivities, location priorities for national monuments too need a brave decision.

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The end of plonk

From David Niven to Frederic Mullally, many were the authors who over the decades used sarcasm and derision to describe Maltese wine. You could hardly blame them. Although the cultivation of grapes in the Maltese Islands has a long history, at least 3,000 years as a recent historical finding in Mgarr ix-Xini in Gozo revealed, the production of truly good wine only started in earnest in the late 60s as part of a general “independence” awakening.

Happily, Maltese wine producers have not looked back since then. It is a joy today to be able to point out to friends and fellow diners some of the best wines being produced on these islands.

It does not stop here, though. The EU-backed ProMed project, an initiative combining academics, experts and producers from the central Mediterranean islands of Malta, Sicily, Pantelleria and Linosa, came to an end last week – but it really was more of beginning.

The setting up of a research station at Buskett, where experimental trials are carried out on grapes cultivated locally in order to identify those best suited to valorise the character of Maltese wine products and improve their quality, is the basis of the work achieved since 2007. Equipped with two laboratories, the research station will also carry out chemical and microbiological analysis, hopefully also including the study of the production of olive oil and honey.

It all augurs well for the Maltese wine industry, and much of this new awareness has to be credited to our top wine producers, their experts and farmers, who have not flinched from the challenge that territorial restrictions and acute lack of water have posed since time immemorial.

One man, Roger Aquilina, respected oenologist and an ardent believer in the great potential of Maltese wine, deserves particular mention. His dream is slowly but surely coming to fruition. That should certainly mean the end of plonk.

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The Courts and data protection

A friend of mine recently brought to my notice a case that arguably amounts to a blatant breach of the protection of data pertaining to the parties in a civil case of nullity of marriage following the final positive declaration by the Church Tribunal.

As is the practice, if A files for recognition by the Civil Court, an application is made so that the decision by the Tribunal be recognised for civil effect; the other party, B is requested by a notice from the court to declare its intention.

Such cases are rightly dealt with in a separate building in Strait Street so that they remain, as much as possible, private and away from the prying eyes in the Courts’ corridors.

But what happened? Together with the delivery of the notice to B, there was also the whole decision of the Tribunal for all to see. Let us for the moment accept that the marshals delivering the notice actually respect the confidentiality requisite, there are still some questions to be asked and for someone, including the Data Protection Commissioner, to answer:

A)   Doesn’t the court know that Party B sometimes also has a copy of this decision, so why send another one?

B)   Does not the court respect the privacy of the couple, even with regard to their respective families, who sometimes are unaware of the causes for nullity?

C)   Does not the court know that sometimes there are highly private, medical and confidential reasons which should be restricted to the concerned couple only?

D)   Could not the court send the decision sealed in an envelope accompanying the said notice?

One hopes this is brought up in the current reform exercise and brought to the attention of the Parliamentary Secretary for Justice.