In 2013, PN switchers wanted a change for the better in the country's administration. They also wanted a clean sweep of the administration of their own party. Switchers wanted a party administration that is not lobbied according to the PN owners' likes. An administration voted in by a majority of paid-up members (tesserati). It seems that none of this has occurred.

For two-and-half years, writers devoted to the Nationalist Party (PN) still arrogantly blame the switchers for the PN's miserable performance in the 2013 general election. According to them, switchers are now aware of having been tricked by Labour and they will return to the PN's fold. But will the PN soothsayers' predictions come true?

Does this mean that the 2013 switchers, who were proved wrong in their choice of the country's administration, will be bullied to vote PN in the future? To what kind of PN are they expected to return? Will it be a PN still run by the same giunta? To the party that has thrown them out? To the party that is seeking only their vote? A party that has organised a national hate campaign against all those who are critical of its administration? A party full of revenge and spite against the above while in Opposition, imagine what next when in power? A party that calls itself democratic and Catholic. Is this what PN leader Simon Busuttil referred to in his speech? (ToM, 18 January, page 4).

When the Maltese voted to join the European Union, they were seeking the best for their country. When the country went to the polls, the scenario remained unchanged. We have a complicated electoral system which alternates between the two major political parties. These are not keen to change the electoral system to one that lets other parties compete for a share in the country's administration. Therefore, the Maltese are subject to a restricted democracy. Does the EU approve this breach of democracy? Is it time for the Maltese people to speak up for their right to vote freely? Is it time to ask the EU for protection against such abuse by the two local major political parties?

Recent statistics show that trust in Maltese political parties is at its lowest levels. In the 2013 general election, there were 4,000 ruined votes, and one can guess from which side these went missing. Also 20,000 did not vote, as they had lost all trust in politicians. If one adds these to the 36,000 switchers, it appears that the PN's administration has quite a task to carry out over the next two years. Also, one has to consider the votes assigned to the small Alternattiva Demokratika party and what this party might gain from the loss of the two major parties. Will the future turn the switched and switchers into switch-offs to the detriment of the Maltese electoral system and, thus, to the major political parties?

Michael Agius

St Paul's Bay