Gozo stands at a crossroads. As Malta's sister island continues to grapple with development challenges and questions of fair representation, two strong voices have stepped into the spotlight with sharply different views. During a conference held by the Gozo Regional Development Authority (GRDA) (Apr 14, 2025), titled 'Gozo's Regionality: Exploring Autonomy Options for Gozo within the State of Malta', Professor Godfrey Baldacchino, a sociologist and expert on small islands, took a cautious and data-driven approach to autonomy who explained the key findings of a discussion paper. Another voice, that of Noel Formosa, the long-serving mayor of Gozitan village San Lawrenz, in an opinion article 'The case of Gozo's autonomy' (Times of Malta- Oct 28 2024), said he believes Gozo must seize control of its destiny through regional self-government. Their ideas differ, but they both care deeply about Gozo's future.

Baldacchino's critical appraisal

Professor Baldacchino uses a six-point autonomy index to examine Gozo's readiness for self-rule. The framework, adapted from political scientist Eve Hepburn, measures political distinctiveness, cultural identity, economic resources, representation, state accommodation, and geographic isolation. Gozo scores a disappointing 18 out of 60.

Politics without distinction

Baldacchino starts with politics. He gives Gozo just 1 point out of 10. The island lacks regionally based political parties that demand autonomy or local decision-making. Since 1966, the Labour Party and Nationalist Party have dominated both Malta and Gozo. Only once, during the 1947 election, did local parties like the Gozo Party and the Jones Party attempt to break through, but they disappeared by 1950. Since then, Gozitans have voted consistently within Malta's national two-party system. Baldacchino believes this pattern makes autonomy less likely. Without political demand, no central government will feel pressure to act.

Culture that connects, not divides

Gozo receives 5 points out of 10 for cultural identity. Gozitans speak in a distinct dialect, celebrate unique traditions, and often describe themselves as both Gozitan and Maltese. Local sayings and folklore paint Gozitans as thrifty or clever, creating a sense of separation from the Maltese mainland. However, this regional identity supports unity rather than challenging it. As a result, Baldacchino sees culture as strong but not radical enough to drive political change.

Economic reliance weakens the case

On economics, Gozo scores 4 out of 10. The island's economy depends heavily on tourism and public employment. The government continues to provide subsidies, and Gozo lacks a diverse industrial or entrepreneurial base. Baldacchino believes autonomy becomes viable when a region can support itself financially. In Gozo's case, the dependence on central funds makes that goal hard to reach.

Limited political representation

Baldacchino gives Gozo 2 points out of 10 for political representation. The island holds five out of 65 seats in parliament - a fair share based on population. However, no Gozitan has ever led the country. The European Parliament includes a Gozitans like Thomas Bajada (and previously Josianne Cutajar), and the EU's Committee of the Regions also includes a regional representative. Still, Baldacchino sees no groundswell of political influence.

Minimal power in regional structures

The Ministry for Gozo and the regional council exist, but Baldacchino considers them weak. They lack executive authority. In his view, the Civic Council of the 1960s offered more genuine local governance than today's structures. He gives this category just 2 points out of 10.

Geography that no longer isolates

Geographically, Gozo lies only 4.5 km from Malta, with well-connected ferry services. The proposed tunnel or bridge could eliminate that gap. Baldacchino explains that greater physical distance often strengthens claims for autonomy. If infrastructure brings Gozo closer, he argues, its case for self-rule grows weaker. He gives this factor 4 out of 10.

Two major barriers: Power and tax

Baldacchino highlights two obstacles that block meaningful autonomy: Malta's two-party dominance and tax policy. Neither Labour nor the PN want to risk their national control by empowering Gozo. Regional taxes, even if modest, would cause political uproar. He also warns that a strong Gozitan authority could become a political thorn in Castille's side.

Still, Baldacchino does not rule out autonomy forever. He cites examples like Greenland, the Faroe Islands, and Tobago, all of which secured strong regional powers or even independence. But they did so with local political support and economic capability - both missing in Gozo today.

Formosa's call for action

In direct contrast, Noel Formosa presents a hopeful and determined argument for autonomy. He draws strength from history, geography, and Gozo's untapped potential.

Gozo's leadership legacy

Formosa reminds readers of 1798. During the French occupation, while Malta remained under foreign control, Gozitans took bold action. Within three months, they expelled the French, declared independence, and raised their own flag. That event still inspires many Gozitans today.

Later, in 1961, Gozo established the Civic Council, which gave the island a taste of self-governance. In 1987, the creation of the Ministry for Gozo marked another step forward. Each milestone showed how Gozitans could lead themselves. But for Formosa, these were only partial victories.

More than symbolism

Formosa believes current structures - the ministry, regional council, EU funds - function more than symbolic gestures than serious solutions. The government praises Gozo's uniqueness, but continues to centralise decision-making in the Office of the Prime Minister in Castille. He sees this as political theatre - a way to placate Gozitans while avoiding real reform.

Lessons from Europe

San Lawrenz's mayor points to the Aaland Islands in Finland and Sardinia in Italy as success stories. These islands operate under regional governments that tailor policies to their unique needs. Autonomy helped them flourish. He believes Gozo deserves the same chance. A regional government could oversee tourism, infrastructure, planning, and education - all based on local priorities.

A clear vision for the future

Formosa calls for a democratically elected Gozitan regional government. He wants decisions made on the island, not imposed by Malta. He demands permanent governance, not temporary fixes. Most importantly, he wants political parties to declare their positions openly in their next manifestos.

He doesn't just ask - he urges. Gozitans, he argues, must rise again as they did in 1798. They must demand autonomy, not as a privilege, but as a right.

Which path will Gozo choose?

These two views lead in different directions. Baldacchino sees an island locked into Malta's system, with little pressure or readiness for change. Formosa sees an island with the leadership, resilience, and history to claim control of its future.

Yet their arguments, when combined, open a vital discussion. Baldacchino's concerns feel practical. Without local political parties, strong finances, or broad public support, autonomy faces steep obstacles. But Formosa doesn't wait for perfect conditions. He believes leadership comes first, and structures follow. History, he says, never waits for permission.

Both agree: The 'Status Quo' fails Gozo

Despite their differences, Baldacchino and Formosa agree on one thing: the current model fails Gozo. The island floats between special treatment and second-class status. Ministries and councils exist, but power remains in Castille. Roads remain under-funded. Young people leave. Projects stall. Promises fade.

Gozo deserves a serious national debate - not lip service. That debate must include the voices of Gozitans, not just party headquarters. Whether Malta opts for greater devolution, a regional government, or bold constitutional change, the government must stop treating Gozo as a political afterthought.

The time for choice

Autonomy does not mean separation. It means trust. It means recognising that Gozitans know their island better than any outsider. It means building a system that listens, respects, and empowers.

The next election gives all parties an opportunity. Political leaders can present clear options for Gozo's future. Gozitans can demand action and answers, not applause.

Baldacchino offers the analysis. Formosa offers the vision. Gozo offers the choice. Now the nation must respond.