It is one thing to win an election. It is quite another to govern a country.
To govern is not to rule. It is to serve. And to serve well, a democratic republic needs more than politicians. It requires a public administration that is impartial, competent, ethical, and dedicated to the common good.
In Malta, we often refer to "the government" when we mean the elected ministers. But behind every minister is supposed to stand a civil service: the permanent machinery of the state, grounded in the Constitution and guided by law, not by party loyalty.
Yet in recent decades, we have seen the erosion of this essential distinction. Instead of a civil service that serves the republic, we have allowed the rise of a conglomeration of non-departmental, politicised bureaucracies that too often serve the government of the day, or worse, the interests behind it. The professional, core public service is too often marginalised, especially at the stage where policies are designed. Policy development is instead increasingly farmed out to consultants whose most prominent credential would appear to be their affiliation with the commissioning minister.
Democratic Vision 2050 calls this what it is: a failure of public administration. And it names it as one of the core challenges we must address if we are serious about building a democratic future.
The problem is not simply inefficiency, though inefficiency abounds. It is not just about wasted money or overlapping authorities, although these are real concerns. It is something deeper and more dangerous: the hollowing out of public service as a vocation of loyalty to the republic, replaced by a culture of patronage, compliance, discretion, and reward.
At the heart of this failure is the blurring of lines between politics and administration. Instead of a clear boundary, we have drifted into a system where appointments are increasingly made on grounds of personal loyalty to ministers or service to the ruling party, rather than on merit, where strategic decisions are filtered through partisan considerations, and where civil servants are too often treated as tools - or, depending on their perceived allegiance, as obstacles.
This is not how a republic is meant to work.
A healthy public administration should provide continuity across administrations. It should preserve institutional memory. It should offer ministers informed advice, even when that advice is uncomfortable. It should uphold ethical standards, safeguard the public interest, and resist political pressure.
But that requires independence. It requires a recognition that public administration is part of the system of checks and balances within a democratic system of government. It requires a transparent, merit-based system of recruitment and promotion. It requires proper protection for whistleblowers. It requires a culture where professionalism is respected, not marginalised or punished.
Instead, what we have today is the growing dominance of "persons of trust," an expanding shadow administration whose members owe their position not to qualification or experience, but to personal loyalty. These positions invariably bypass established recruitment procedures, dilute accountability, and undermine morale across the service.
At the same time, we see professional public officers demoralised by years of underinvestment, unclear mandates, and politicised interference. Many talented professionals leave. Others keep their heads down. Few are encouraged to innovate, question, or lead.
This is no way to run a country.
In Democratic Vision 2050, Repubblika sets out clear proposals to restore integrity and professionalism to the Maltese public service. The first is to insulate the entire public administration from political manipulation through constitutional and legal safeguards. The recruitment, promotion, and removal of public officials must follow transparent, competitive, and merit-based procedures.
Second, the number and scope of politically appointed "persons of trust" must be strictly limited in law. Their functions must be defined, their authority circumscribed, their duration linked to the minister's term, and their number proportionate and justifiable.
Third, we must invest in public administration - not just with funding, but with mission. Training, ethical codes, clear career progression, and a culture of service must be revived. Excellence in public service should be recognised and rewarded, not sidelined.
Fourth, we must create real accountability. Public administration must answer to the public through Parliament, the Ombudsman, and the Auditor General. And when mistakes are made, the system must be able to correct them without fear or favour.
None of this is radical. It is the standard in functioning democracies.
Yet in Malta, these simple principles have become politically inconvenient. That is why reform cannot be left to those who benefit from the status quo. It must be driven by citizens who understand that how we are governed matters just as much as who governs us.
The republic is not just a flag or a set of laws; it is a way of life. It is a form of governance. And governance begins in the offices, desks, and corridors where the machinery of the state is built and operated every day.
If we want a democracy that works, we must build a public administration that is worthy of the name.
Read the full vision at www.repubblika.org/democracy2050. Although elections may choose leaders, it is institutions that uphold the republic. And without public servants dedicated to serving the people, a democratic future cannot exist.
Edward Warrington is a committee member of Repubblika