The Malta Independent 26 July 2026, Sunday
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TMIS Editorial: The PN must rise to the challenge

Sunday, 14 September 2025, 10:00 Last update: about 11 months ago

After a long night of counting ballots, the Nationalist Party finally emerged with a new leader. Alex Borg pipped Adrian Delia by a narrow margin of just 44 votes, succeeding Bernard Grech.

The razor-thin difference was immediately interpreted by the Labour Party (PL) as proof that the PN is split in half. Yet this reading is simplistic at best, and disingenuous at worst. Leadership elections are by their nature divisive: they are contests of ideas, personalities, and visions. They produce winners and losers.

It is worth recalling that when the PL held its own leadership contest in 2020, Robert Abela won with 58 per cent of the vote to Chris Fearne's 42 per cent. That was a far wider gap than what the PN has just experienced, but no one claimed that the PL was permanently fractured. The PN's election is simply part of democratic life, and if anything, it shows that members are engaged. What the PN could do better is modernise the way such elections are held. The laborious count, which dragged deep into the night, fuelled unnecessary tension. With today's technology, there is no reason why the process should not be smoother and quicker.

But that is now behind us. Alex Borg has been entrusted with the leadership of the opposition party, and with it, a historic responsibility, given also that he is the youngest ever to hold such a position. His first steps suggest that he understands the importance of unity: one of his earliest meetings was with Adrian Delia himself.

Delia deserves recognition for the loyalty he displayed after losing to Bernard Grech in 2020. Instead of walking away, he stayed, and he gave the PN one of its most important victories in court when he successfully challenged the corrupt deal involving the three hospitals. Delia's contribution remains invaluable, and whether he is elevated to deputy leader is an internal decision for the PN to take. What matters most is that the party recognises and harnesses the strengths of all its figures, without relapsing into factionalism.

For Borg, the task ahead is daunting. He has promised to restructure the party, to prepare it for the next general election, and to transform it into a winning force. Realistically, the PN remains far from power. The electoral arithmetic, the entrenched advantage of the PL, and the bruises of repeated internal strife make victory in the next election improbable. Yet improbable does not mean impossible. More importantly, even if the PN does not win, Borg must use the next 18 months - maybe less - wisely. This is the time to build a credible foundation that can carry the PN beyond a single election cycle.

The truth is that Malta cannot afford another five years of a weak and fractured opposition. Over the last 12 years, the PN has lurched from crisis to crisis, changing leaders four times. This instability has come at a heavy cost. Democracy does not function when the government is left unchecked. A dominant ruling party without scrutiny is a recipe for complacency, abuse, and erosion of standards, as we have sadly seen. The scandals and governance failures of recent years were made worse by the lack of a strong, coherent opposition that could hold the government accountable in real time.

This is why the PN must now put aside its internal battles. It must appear united, not only for its own survival, but also for the sake of the country. Delia, Borg, Grech, and every other PN figure must pull the same rope. The image of disunity only benefits the government, which thrives on an opposition too busy fighting itself to fight for Malta. Borg's leadership must therefore be about more than electoral strategy; it must be about culture. The PN must cultivate the discipline to act as a government-in-waiting, not merely a reactionary voice.

Being an effective opposition is not simply about criticising the government. It is about offering clear, credible alternatives. The PN must present policies that resonate with today's Malta: housing, wages, environment, healthcare, education, energy, population, traffic, tourism, and the cost of living. It must show that it can manage the economy responsibly while also protecting social justice. It must bridge the generational gap that has often left it appearing disconnected from younger voters. And crucially, it must communicate in a way that is fresh, modern, and inclusive, moving beyond tired slogans.

The coming months will test Alex Borg's ability to lead. His leadership contest victory, narrow though it was, gives him legitimacy. What he does with it will determine the PN's relevance for years to come. If he uses it to impose his will, the PN risks further fragmentation. If he uses it to unify, restructure, and professionalise the party, then the PN can finally begin the slow but necessary climb back to credibility.

Malta needs an opposition that can stand shoulder to shoulder with the government, not in numbers, but in weight. A strong opposition is the lifeblood of democracy: it holds power accountable, keeps debate alive, and ensures that no government can rule as though it were untouchable. For too long, Malta has been deprived of this balance. The PN, under Alex Borg's leadership, now has the opportunity - and the duty - to change that.


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