In 1967, when I was eight years old, I attended Hamrun Boys' Primary School. The school was on Ġuzè Pace Street. I was in Mr Buttigieg's class, precisely Standard 2, which corresponds today to Year 3. For Christmas that year my parents gave me a copy of the book 'Coral Island'. This is a novel from 1857 written by the Scottish writer R.M. Ballantyne. This book is one of the books in the category of juvenile fiction that has only young characters. The book is still in my collection and, I treasure the copy because it evokes memories from my childhood.

Mr Buttigieg was quite an overweight individual with a round face and gray hair. He wore brown trousers, a striped brown and white shirt, and a matching tie with the outfit. Our classroom was, to put it mildly, quite basic - definitely lacking the contemporary technology that today's children enjoy. Two lamps emitting a kind of orange light dangled above us. We turned on the lights using a single black heavy-duty switch that was affixed to the wall. We had big wooden tables, a blackboard that squeaked like a little mouse whenever the teacher wrote on it, and typically three kinds of coloured chalk - red, blue, and white.

We learned through the traditional yet efficient method of instruction. Mr Buttigieg maintained a small area in the classroom with tea-making supplies that he would use occasionally. He would often bring a pack of cream crackers. Whenever he became angry with us, bits of crackers would burst from his mouth and scatter throughout the room. Clearly, there were always the favorites, referring to those who excelled more than the rest of us.

In that same year, Sandy Shaw released 'Puppet on a String, 'the UK's contribution to the Eurovision Song Contest held in Vienna, ultimately securing victory in the event. 'Puppet on a String' is a song about a woman who describes herself as a puppet on a string. She wants to experience a certain type of dominant live and to do so she is willing to give up her autonomy and comply with her partner's wishes.

Starting that year, after the post-colonial change, military architecture - spanning from the Hospitallers' bastions to WWII pillboxes - stopped serving as active defense structures and formally became recognised as national historic landmarks. The defences of Malta include several walled towns. The defensive structures were constructed over several centuries from approximately 1450 BC to the mid-20th century, reflecting the strategic location and natural ports of the Maltese Islands, which have attracted numerous powers. While the British contributed to these defensive structures, including the rugged 12km Victoria Lines that acted as a protective division between the island's north and south, those built by the Knights of Malta are spectacular.

Among the architects involved in the design of Maltese fortifications are Francesco Laparelli (1521-70), the designer of the grid and the city of Valletta, Girolamo Cassar (1520-92) author of St John's Co-Cathedral, Grandmaster's Palace and the auberges, and Charles François de Mondion (1688-1733), designer of Fort Manoel, Mdina Gate, Palazzo Vilhena and the walls of Mdina. The fortifications were built not only to protect the inhabitants but also to uphold the Order and ensure its rule, particularly after enduring the Ottoman assault of 1565.

In 1967, Malta established a parliamentary democracy based on the 1964 Independence Constitution, featuring a distinct separation of legislative, executive, and judicial powers, modelled after Westminster.

The concept of separation of powers has its roots in the Greek philosopher Aristotle's work on  Politics, written around 350 BC. He identified three functional governmental structures: legislative (deliberative), executive (official) and judicial. The model of separation of powers in its current form was established by the French thinker Montesquieu in 1748 in his work The Spirit of the Laws. From then on, Durkheim openly defended this traditional institutional separation of powers. He argues that the division of powers is an important framework to ensure that the government exists to protect the shared interests of its citizens without becoming dangerous or authoritarian.

The Malta Constitution does not explicitly mention the term 'separation of powers' but sets out the three branches of government. Dividing power in this manner ensures that no single entity can be in complete control and protect fundamental human rights. Establishing the roles of each division, it creates a system where each part can check the others. This balance helps keep power in check and keeps the government impartial.

Nonetheless, as contended by Professor. Kevin Aquilina, Malta exhibits a concentration of powers instead of a genuine separation, marked by complete control from the executive branch (2024).

Antonio Gramsci challenges the idea that the separation of powers is a neutral guard, against tyranny. Gramsci argues that the separation of powers is actually a tool of the state designed to keep the ruling class in power by controlling social forces.

Ecosystems on Earth rely significantly on the contributions made by bees alongside other organisms. In this group of animals, the worker bees look after the queen bee of the colony. They feed her clean her and even stand together in a circle, around her. A group cannot make bees without a healthy queen. If the queen is not alive and strong the whole colony will eventually fall apart.

Conversely, ants require a queen, as she is the exclusive reproductive force and biological foundation of the whole colony. In a similar vein, to connect with the human realm, safeguarding your king in chess is the most crucial rule since checkmating the king concludes the game.

In Maltese, there's a saying 'killing the goose that lays the golden eggs' from Aesop's well-known tale, signifying the importance of safeguarding and fostering the source of your achievements instead of jeopardizing it for immediate profit. Alternatively, there's the saying, 'do not pollute the fountain you want to drink from' meaning you should not harm, damage, or speak poorly of a person, place, or resource that you might rely on or require assistance from in the future.

Humans also desire protection and a sense of safety. Throughout life, individuals seek safety and form friendships with those who care for them and want their happiness. Kids look for safety from grown-ups, while elderly individuals seek assurance from healthier adults. Indeed, safety and security are essential human necessities needed to ensure our welfare and stability. Entrepreneurs also require security and stability. These characteristics allow them to formulate their business strategies in a consistent economic climate and generate precise predictions for their ventures.

Similar to bees and ants, in the political structure, the government also works to maintain its power by appointing devoted allies to critical positions that ensure its continuity. This is carried out via a network of patronage and clientelism - a framework where party representatives exchange public positions, benefits, and safeguards for electoral backing and political loyalty.

Renee Laiviera (2004) in the essay Clientelism and Patronage, particularly regarding Malta, asserts that "The strength of networks and interpersonal relationships can be transformed into tangible actions benefiting all involved parties." One example of this network is clientelism and patronage, which hold considerable importance in a small community. Such a network can significantly enhance and streamline an individual's lifestyle. In this context, we are not discussing minor 'favours' that nonetheless remain unacceptable, but rather the appointment of significant positions, or more importantly, essential roles that possess the ability to influence, manage, and alter the surrounding circumstances.

Regrettably, in Malta, colour runs before ability and the deeper the colour the closer to the source of power. The strategies utilized by the Government of Malta consist of establishing protections that have guaranteed its capacity to continue administering this country. Meritocracy becomes the exception rather than the norm. This enables it to predict and manage difficult situations that could have created issues - circumstances that, if ignored, might have weakened the government's attractiveness to the electorate.

Therefore, while the 'separation of powers' and 'checks and balances' are theoretically present, in reality the government has succeeded to usurp the system by creating 'buffers,' particularly within the police and legal departments, as well as in other areas of the administration that can protect its governance and interests. This method enables it to influence public opinion. This also specifically includes the limitation of 'liberal' debate shows, especially in national media that could otherwise oppose or criticise the government.

These can be described as governmental marionettes that operate in harmony with the government's tempo. These are the bastions of the government that succeed in excluding people and organisations that contest the political ideologies of the current administration. Meanwhile, the government persists in allocating funds to guarantee that the populace stays satisfied and happy. NSO data on public finances indicates that the overall government debt is nearing 12 billion euros. While wealth blurs the perception of those who acquire it, the government also implements laws that correspond with its objectives. When such events happen, members and party leaders unite as a single voice to guide the ship toward their preferred course. To complicate matters, the government occasionally takes on the role of the underdog.

The government's influence over these institutions is so profound that, despite considerable resistance from a large portion of the populace, it has managed to quietly suppress all dissent, leading to the fading away of all attempts, as if they never happened.

This is the kind of government that the Maltese electorate has supported since 2013, where individuals pursue one another in the halls of authority to devise strategies that benefit the administration solely to preserve political dominance.

When democracy becomes limited or fake the situation has really gotten out of control. Even if a political party wants to win elections and run the country that does not mean it should pursue those goals at any cost. At this moment it is up to the Maltese people to stop this from happening again. If people keep allowing these events we are talking about a country or a mesmerised society that lets the government shape it as it wants.

The obstacles faced by this nation offer an opportunity for the Maltese to come together under one cause, despite the challenges being significant and difficult to overcome.

The expression 'min mhux magħna kontra tagħna' ('who is not with us is against us') has existed since the era of St Mark the Evangelist (9: 38-40). Dom Mintoff (1955-58, 1971-84) later embraced it as his slogan, and if I remember accurately, Alfred Sant (1996-98) utilised the phrase as well. It is evident that the Labour Party has fully grasped the lesson and has internalised it to such an extent that it has become intrinsic to its identity. It has excelled at the task, along with its loyal and die-hard supporters and party members, its shields, to control the system for their personal ambitions.

Godwin Ellul is a reviewer and translator of books into Maltese, including the Medical History of Malta by Dr Paul Cassar.