The month of July 2014 is proving to be a taxing one for the Heads of Government of the member states of the European Union as they seek a consensual decision on the Union's top leadership positions. The choice of Jean-Claude Juncker as Commission President was forced upon them by the strategy of the European Parliament determined to cash on its democratic legitimacy. The election of Martin Schultz as President of the European Parliament was entirely Parliament's affair in which the Heads of Government only remotely and indirectly might have had a say. However, the choice of the remaining President  -  that of the European Council – is entirely their business. Though each one of them will no doubt push his/her country's agenda, the Heads of Government  are aware that for the good of the Union they need to select somebody able to bring consensus and able to work in harmony with the other Presidents running the Union.

At the special European Council meeting of 18 July, the Heads of Government agreed to give themselves more time, and they set 30 August as the date when they would take a final decision not only on the appointment of the new President of the European Council, but also on a new High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and the other members of the Commission as a whole.  This will bring to an end the debate on what is known as the next Institutional Cycle of the Union, that is, the five years beginning on 1 November 2014, with the new Commission.

 

The Heads of Government have already addressed the need to give the European Union a new direction. They adopted the strategic agenda of key priorities for the next five years. On 30 August they will complete the team that will lead the Union through this agenda. The key personalities in this team are the Presidents of the four major institutions of the European Union - the President of the European Council, the President of the European Commission, the President of the European Parliament, and the rotating Presidency of the Council of the European Union. Each of these Presidents has a specific role to play within the institutional architecture of the Union. Theirs are four complementary roles created by the Treaties in order to provide the Union with effective and transparent leadership founded on democratic accountability. Each President can only act within the limits of the powers conferred by the Treaties, and they are expected to practise mutual and sincere cooperation.

The President of the European Council holds the highest position in the European Union’s institutional set-up. The European Council can trace its origins to a 1974 decision by the Heads of Government of the member states to meet informally to define the general political direction of the Union. It was given formal status by the Maastricht Treaty in 1992, and was established as one of the Union’s institutions by the Lisbon Treaty in 2009. The President of the European Council chairs the meetings of the Heads of Government, and is responsible for the preparation and continuity of their work.  However, the President’s main task is to facilitate cohesion and consensus among the Heads of Government in establishing the political direction and priorities of the Union. He/she is also the “face” of the European Union on the international stage because he/she ensures the external representation of the Union.

For the good of the Union it is crucial that whoever is appointed by the Heads of Government on 30 August to replace Herman Van Rompuy, will be a strong political personality with sufficient political clout able to respond to the criticism that the European Council’s agenda is being dictated by a few dominant Heads of Government, particularly by the German Chancellor.  

The President of the European Commission occupies the most influential position in the formulation and implementation of the Union's agenda, and his role is highly visible and closely scrutinised. Having been confirmed by Parliament on 15 July, Jean-Claude Juncker's first task is to build up his team, the college of Commissioners, one from each  member state. Though he has no choice in the names of these Commissioners, since they are nominated by their respective governments, he is responsible for the allocation and seniority of their portfolios, except for that of the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, who is appointed by the European Council and is also Vice-President of the Commission. The Commission President appoints the other seven Vice-Presidents. These appointments will provide the first concrete indications about the orientation and priorities of the Juncker Commission.

Once the new Commission is in place, its President has to ensure that it acts consistently, efficiently and as a collegiate body.  The Treaties put the European Commission at the heart of the Union's activities as it represents and upholds the interests of the Union as a whole. It has “the right of initiative”, that is, it can propose new laws to implement the policies of the Union. It enforces EU legislation by checking that each member state is applying EU laws properly, and it can refer national governments to the European Court of Justice if they fail to come in line. The Commission manages the EU budget, allocates funds and supervises the spending of these funds. The Commission acts as the linchpin in the Union's institutional framework, receiving political guidance from the European Council and being accountable to Parliament.

On 1 July, the newly elected European Parliament by a secret ballot re-elected, with 409 out of 612 votes cast, Martin Schultz as its President for the next two-and-a-half years. The President of the European Parliament leads the only directly elected  institution of the European Union. Parliament carries as much weight as the Council in the “Ordinary Legislative Procedure”, and can influence the content of EU laws before they are adopted. The Treaties give it wide-ranging scrutiny powers to ensure that the other EU institutions work democratically. Perhaps the most visible powers of the European Parliament relate to its control over the Commission. It elects the Commission President, grills newly appointed Commissioners and votes to approve the Commission as a whole. It can also sanction the Commission as a whole.

Mr Schultz's responsibility is not limited to overseeing Parliament's activities and ensuring the respect of Parliamentary procedures. He leads Parliament in the inter-institutional debates as required by the legislative procedure.  His signature is necessary for the final approval of the EU budget. Above all, President Schultz will be expected to carry on with the struggle for further democratic accountability of the Union's institutions, and to respond to the call of his European electorate for less of Brussels especially by keeping the Commission, i.e. Jean-Claude Juncker, in check.

These three permanent Presidents have to work in conjunction with the rotating Presidency of the Council of the European Union. Italy took over this Presidency on 1 July, and Prime Minister Matteo Renzi is another President currently running the Union. The role of the rotating Presidency is to chair meetings of the Council, determine its agenda, and act as “honest broker” both during Council  meetings and during inter-institutional debates. The rotating Presidency, if carefully prepared, has possibilities for shaping the Union’s policies and legislation through its leading role in the Council configurations under its responsibility.  Matteo Renzi came out strongly with a programme focused on economic growth and employment, and his direction may well anchor the Union in this direction.

A big question mark hangs over the institutional structure of the European Union. Will these four Presidents work in harmony, acting together in a seamless institutional process? They certainly have their own political ambitions and orientations. However, their appointment has been (or will be in case of the appointments to come) the result of painfully drawn-out compromises, balancing the diverse interests of the member states and of their geopolitical priorities.  This should make the four Presidents work in tandem since none can afford to wreck these intricate and delicate compromises.