THE MALTA INDEPENDENT

ON SUNDAY STAFF

Civil war, so to speak, has now broken out within the Labour Party.

In the last few days before the 5 June election of the party leader, the party has been shaken to the core by at least two events that show the splits that have emerged within the party.

The visit and the endorsement of contender Joe Muscat by Martin Schultz, secretary of the European Socialist Party, produced considerable repercussions from the other four contenders.

And the publication of report on the party’s defeat in the March general elections has now created a far deeper reaction. The faction that supports Michael Falzon is claiming that the report aims to put most of the blame on him, and that what he had to say to the commission charged with the report has been turned by the same commission upside down and against him.

The report

The report is 99 pages long and can be downloaded from www.mlp.org.mt.

According to the party’s national executive which met yesterday morning, the meeting decide to publish the report with immediate effect on the website. Any official can post his or her clarification to the report on the same website.

It was also decided at the meeting that the report will be discussed in detail by the new leadership and that by 30 September, following discussions, an implementation plan will be drawn up for the all the party’s structures.

The report is unsigned by the commission that wrote it.

Summary

Labour failed to convince enough people, including people who traditionally vote for it, that it was a viable alternative to the PN government.

Result

This election saw a number of people who did not vote. At first it was thought the non-voters were mostly PN but subsequent information says it was 50-50.

Most new voters were young people. The Campaign Manager’s report indicates the party was not winning over this sector.

The election campaign

At the start of the election campaign, the party had to face two problems: the resignation of the campaign manager and Alfred Sant’s illness. The campaign was managed by a Group of Five, which included the leaders, the secretary general and the president.

Although a Campaign Plan had been drawn up in 2007, substantial parts of it were never implemented. There was another plan about the main messages of the campaign. The two plans said the party would run a positive campaign and would send its electoral manifesto to all homes but these two plans were never carried out. For the future, the party requires more coordinated campaigns inspired by focus groups, so that the message would reflect the public’s perceptions.

Surveys and polls

The surveys and opinion polls carried out seem to have been scientifically correct but this time it was not so exact. The commission suggests a full analysis of the whole process of data collection and polls analysis, not as inspired by lack of trust but so that such an important tool is better used.

There is also the need that the results of these surveys are used in a better way and the information gathered is disseminated to those parts of the party for which such information would be crucial during the campaign, like the newsroom, so that these could adapt their message according to the campaign’s needs.

Research

The party does not have a developed research department, and thus has to depend on volunteers who are not always available. Unfortunately, the idea that what matters most is keeping your ear to the ground to base your policies, visions and plans of action seems prevalent inside the party.

In a general way, it can be said the party is still afraid of intellectuals and the cultural capital they bring with them. This is shown by the absence of intellectuals within the party as well as the absence at party HQ of pro-intellectual pointers.

A research section, staffed by professional full-timers must be set up to provide information about current trends, to form the basis for updated policies and to provide background to speeches by the party’s leaders.

The media

The party did not use its own media enough and failed to build bridges with the independent media. The party also failed to be visible in the media over the past months. Generally, the message proclaimed by the party’s media was negative, repetitive and monotonous.

For the party to become more “on message”, the new leadership needs better coordination between the media, the campaign office, the administration and the party leadership. Each section must be given media training. All the party’s communications media must become more interactive.

The leadership

The decision that the party leadership be composed of the leader, the two deputy leaders together with the secretary general and the party president in order to face up to the PN strategy of Gonzipn and a presidential campaign weakened the role and power of the leader.

There were some within the leadership who were overconfident the party would win. The clique atmosphere that defined individual elements within the leadership dampened most of the image of cohesiveness and unity the party and the leadership tried to project. It was difficult to establish credibility when the internal feuding came out in the open.

In the light of all this, the choice of the leader must be determined by the idea that the new leader is able to persuade the electorate he (speaking in generic terms) does not need the help of the deputy leaders to succeed as leader.

Discipline within the party

There is evident indiscipline within the party, characterized by a destructive attitude with the creation of cliques, lack of agreement between candidates, sabotage, lack of ethics, open challenges to the party’s directives.

Also very clear is the lack of detailed codes of ethics that regulate the operations of all levels within the party. Thus some people were disciplined unnecessarily while others were left to exert their strength on the party.

The party urgently needs to set up a committee to draw up detailed codes of ethics for all within the party. The Vigilance Board must be transformed into one that emphasises reconciliation and moderation.

Education

It is also clear that the education process within the party is weak. Many who represent the party on the front lines are not well prepared. The party must consider itself as an educational community or an organization based on learning. A section should be set up, headed by a full-timer, with the sole aim of training and strengthening all those in any sort of role or who represent the party. The party must exploit its international contacts to offer work experiences and observation at European levels to its officials.

The party’s structures

The lack of clear lines of demarcation between the roles of deputy leader for party affairs and the secretary general undermined the cohesiveness of the party administration. As a result of internal feuding and lack of clear and effective direction, time and resources were wasted. Many have expressed their opinion they want to see a discussion about the future of the role of deputy leader for party affairs.

We also think it is time to rationalize the executive and to create a stronger bridge with local centres, district committees and local councils.

The electoral office

The business as usual attitude in the electoral office surely left a negative impact on the campaign and the election result. The over-confidence as to the result of the election and the belief only Nationalists would not go and vote certainly influenced this outlook.

Our investigations have shown there was much work that had to be done and was not done, both as preparation and as regards the campaign. It seems the office was not efficient enough in its data collection on the electorate. Although attention was drawn regarding mistakes in the party’s database, nothing substantial was done to update the information.

The office did not do enough to maximize the potential of voters who are abroad and the elderly. It seems that a number of voters who were not eligible to vote succeeded in voting. There is urgent need of a serious audit of this office as only through such an audit can one understand its strengths and weaknesses. The ultimate aim of such an audit should be to ensure the party is truly prepared for an election.

The candidates

It seems the party found it very difficult to include new faces in its list of candidates that would have made the voters understand this is truly a young party and able to bring about the change it was proclaiming.

Many of the candidates did not find the needed support and visibility one would have expected they would be given during the election campaign. Some candidates were late taking off and showed clearly they were unprepared.

Women

Women had little or no visibility throughout the campaign. Many times they appeared more as supporters than as protagonists within the party. As a social-democratic party with a proactive history in the development of Maltese women, the party must seek to attract to it women of all ages through an action plan that shows the way clearly and concretely. As happened between 1993 and 1997, the party must have a think tank of people that works in conjunction with the party’s think tank on the subject of the role of women and men in society, within the context of gender mainstreaming. The party must also address issues of inclusivity.

Youth

The section of the party charged with inspiring interest in politics among the young and to disseminate the ideas of the party among them, did not have a strategy in time and thus had to react spontaneously when faced with the election campaign. This is a pity considering that new voters in this election amounted to 32,330. The party must get through to the young and the students, especially with the help of Internet and its services.

Branding

Much work has been carried out so that the party’s branding is refined and updated. But it would seem the party has still not succeeded in creating a new identity that is strong enough to bring out how different it is, not just compared to the other party but also compared to its past. Competition succeeded in neutralizing all efforts at branding over the past years. The party was not successful in explaining its policies; it seemed confused on some issues and did not succeed in persuading the electorate it had enough valid people to bring about change.

The climate within the party

It seems that following the election defeat of 1998 the party lost its sense of security and the confidence it had pre-1996. The 2003 defeat and Alfred Sant’s reconfirmation as leader brought about a climate of antagonism against the leader. In time, this brought about an organizational context full of suspicions and paranoia. The rivalries between factions dampened the collective vision of the party and created an atmosphere that kept people away from HQ rather than attracted them to it. A new leadership must not tolerate the internal feuding that exists today. It must stand up to people who think they have purchased the party or, worse, who think the party owes them. The party must clean itself from the infantile cliques before it can be taken seriously when it says it is an inclusive party.

Ideology and vision

The party was the only one that gave importance to issues such as the cost of living and the welfare state. The electorate has long become accustomed to a Labour Party that accepts the private sector of the economy as the motor of the economy.

But it would seem that the party’s economic proposals did not appeal enough to sections of the middle class, although they were more successful with the sectors that the party traditionally reached more easily.

As regards the EU, the party issued contradictory messages, which may have indicated to sections of the electorate that the party still harboured some diffidence regarding the EU.

Contradictory messages were also relayed on issues such as the environment where the party seemed that it wanted to be loved by both the speculator and the environmentalist, in such a way as to undermine its own credibility.

On issues such as the rights of residents and also on civil rights, the party was not progressive in its approach.

Although consultations were held prior to the drawing up of a Plan for a New Beginning, these factors could have upset some social alliances. The party must analyse better the socio-economic trends in the country and develop a coherent vision that balances the needs of economic development in a globalised world with the principles of social justice.