Europe, its parliament, its ancillaries and its institutions are known to be a bureaucratic nightmare, and the appointment of President Jose Manuel Barroso’s Commission, which happened yesterday, was no exception.
The lateness of Ireland’s ratification of the Lisbon Treaty set the appointment of the Commission back by some three months and the wait was further increased when MEPs gave a frosty reception to Bulgaria’s Commissioner-candidate.
Seeing as the parliament can only endorse a whole commission or reject it, pressure was put on Bulgaria to find a replacement and it has finally all become official.
One of the EU’s first commitments is the revision of foreign policy with High Representative for Foreign Affairs Catherine Ashton saying that this is a “once in a generation opportunity to create one coherent strategy for EU foreign policy.”
This we understand, and there are many other reforms which need to be implemented sooner rather than later.
The Commission, the citizens of Europe have been told, aims to be more transparent, accountable and closer to the people. This, we will see, but it also seems to be a contradiction in terms. The Commission is intended to be a ‘legal’ body that is supra-national and takes the interest of Europe as a whole as its priority.
The Commission could see its first test in the bid by Europe to go for a contagion plan to stop the rot in the Greek economy. Fears that the rot could spread to Portugal, Ireland and Spain – in view of their massive deficits – could be the Commission’s first task.
It has already said that it will be sitting on Greece’s shoulder to implement its austerity plan to cut its ballooning double figure deficit into something under three per cent within a couple of years.
This is the first time that the Commission has stuck its neck out that far, and it really does have a tough job on its hands. Experts are already saying that this is the first crisis for the eurozone currency – the Euro, which is of course legal tender in Malta.
Some analysts believe that confidence has already shaken the currency so much that it has raised severe doubts of how a single currency can be relevant to so many differently functioning economies – and here is the crux – without complete political union.
France and Germany, who anchor the Euro, have said that it is out of the question to bail Greece out. But if it comes to it, which way will the Commission lean given that it will have to look at Europe from a fiscal, economic and social point of view if Greece (or Spain, Portugal and Ireland) default?
Whatever the case may be, there are many issues which await its attention. Immigration, blue fin tuna, CAP, employment and social inclusion are all issues which are high on its agenda. But will it float or will it flounder? A small Commission might be more effective tactically, but with such a huge remit, the 27-strong Commission as it is composed at present, should offer more in terms of long-term strategic decision-making.
What is certain is that the Commission has its work cut out for it in dealing with the economic fallout of the excessive deficit countries. It is clear that the way of life in these countries is unsustainable, if it does not change, not only will they default, but they might drag the whole monetary union with them.