Minister Subgħajja Dritti adjusted his silk tie in the reflection of the large window of an auberge where knights once took the vow of poverty. He could see hundreds of citizens hurrying to work to earn an average wage that was challenged by everyday realities. Here, in the rarified atmosphere of raw power and greed, the air smelled of aged scotch.
A soft Glitter chime signalled the arrival of a secure Signal message on his encrypted tablet. The offshore wire transfer was complete. Five hundred thousand euros had successfully migrated to his shell company in Panama via New Zealand. In exchange, a long-awaited procurement call would mysteriously be changed by morning. The changes would allow a favoured bidder to win the tender.
A knock at the door broke his reverie. His public relations officer, Jurgen Kask, stepped into the room, holding a tablet.
"The news media are running a story about the electricity outages, Minister," Kask said, his voice trembling with rage. "They're asking for a statement regarding the damages and inconvenience they are allegedly suffering."
Subgħajja Dritti smiled, a practised, deprecatory smirk that ironically came across as perfectly warm on television. He took a slow sip of his Balvenie 40-year-old whisky, letting the warmth settle in his chest.
"Draft the usual response," Subgħajja Dritti replied effortlessly. "Express our deepest, most heartfelt apologies to the affected consumers. Remind them that they have never had it so good and that I am fighting every single day in the Government to secure funding for a better energy infrastructure."
Jurgen Kask nodded, his fingers glide-typing on the screen to produce the alternative facts to the journalists.
Subgħajja Dritti turned back to studying his offshore bank account. He didn't feel guilt; he felt as satisfied as the forest's premier predator. In his world, public trust was not a sacred duty. It was simply a resource to be exploited.
Disclaimer: This is a work of fiction. Names, characters, places, and events are products of the author's imagination or are used fictitiously.
Of course, this short story about corruption in high places could equally apply to corruption in lower ones. In contrast with theft and other crimes, white collar crime is rarely associated with violence, except for the occasional assassination of a journalist. Instead, white collar crime is based on deceit, concealment, obstruction of justice, or conspiracy.
To the extent that corrupt behaviour is criminal conduct in our laws, the level at which it is perpetrated is irrelevant; meaning that the principal, the agent, and corrupt individuals are all criminally liable. In essence, authority is being abused for personal gain at the expense of the welfare of a nation, while a public official is formally a fiduciary person who has been entrusted with the privilege to govern by lawful means.
When politicians, public officials and institutions are susceptible to be corrupted, this very likely will result in significant financial losses, weakened government performance, loss of trust in public institutions, victimisation of consumers and citizens, harm to public health and safety, and growing power and influence of organised criminal groups.
Entrenched systemic corruption within the public sector results in the reduction of the quality and availability of public goods and services. Widespread corruption is usually symptomatic of a sick state. The institutions which are supposed to guarantee the efficient use of scarce societal resources are inevitably incapacitated. Corruption imposes a colossal hidden tax on citizens, especially the less-well-off and poor.
According to the Corruption Perception Index (CPI) compiled by Transparency International, Minister Subgħajja Dritti's country is the world's 122nd most corrupt country out of 182 countries around the world and the fifth most corrupt in the EU. But that does not bother Subgħajja Dritti at all. He blames it all on perception, like one of his predecessors on the other side of the political divide also called it in the Eighties.
Systemic corruption can easily infiltrate the government and its administration, destroying the economic and social foundations of any society. It must be pointed out that the cost of any good or service in a corruption-infested society is the market price plus the mark-up of a bribe or leakage.
The opportunities for fraud and corruption are huge. In Malta, public procurement spending on formal tenders reached some €495 million in 2025. Over a 15-year span to 2025, about €5.6 billion were awarded through competitive tenders, alongside over €1.2 billion issued via direct orders. An OECD analysis notes that public procurement historically hovers around 6% of Malta's GDP, serving as a core mechanism for infrastructure execution, public services, and policy implementation.
Construction and infrastructure are high-risk areas because they affect a broad cross-section of the population, involving a broad range of public and private sector players. These two areas touch innumerable types of projects, including roads, school buildings, drinking water systems, power plants, ports, and hospitals. The EU estimates that up to one-fifth of construction costs is lost to bribes in its member states.
in a Eurobarometer survey early this year, 67% of Maltese respondents said they believe corruption is widespread among officials dealing with building permits ̶ almost double the EU average of 36%.
Corruption may lead to contracts being awarded to incompetent contractors which use substandard or unapproved materials, safety hazards such as collapses and injuries, non-compliance with safety codes, compromised safety inspections, and deficiencies such as roads without guardrails and buildings without emergency exits.
The consulting firm Ecorys, the University of Gothenburg and the Local Research Correspondents on Corruption for the European Commission have mapped and analysed corruption in the EU. In a 2024 report, they published the results of a survey that showed that the most common types of corruption are favouritism/nepotism, conflicts of interest, abuse of power, abuse of public resources, and bribery and fraud were the most common types of corruption. It is clear that corruption is widespread and systemic.
The same report shows that the high-risk sectors where both corruption and fraud are most common are public procurement, the political sector, construction, infrastructure, health care, and licensing and permits. These areas were identified to be particularly vulnerable due to their intricate processes and the large sums of money involved, creating ample opportunities for fraudulent activities such as falsifying invoices, manipulating tender processes, and embezzling funds.
When people were asked whether they think companies use bribes or connections, the Maltese who thought that this never happened were just 3% (EU: 2%) while 12% (same as in the EU) thought it was rare. The percentage jumped to 34% (EU: 27%) who thought it occurred occasionally, and to 39% (EU: 52%) who thought it was often or very often.
Almost one-third of the Maltese (EU: 29%) said they have used their personal connections to get assistance or service from a public clinic or hospital. When a basic necessity or service on which citizens depend has to be secured adequately or on time through pressure on, or bribing, of public officials, quality of life suffers and the sector concerned is weakened.
Corruption is a global problem for which there is no easy cure. Although tougher legislative and enforcement provisions are necessary to pre-empt corruption at all levels, they are often insufficient mitigating prescriptions. Civic education, witness protection for whistle-blowers, institutional reforms; judicial oversight and independence, and general public aversion to corruption are equally significant deterrents.
Corruption has become so pervasive that we need to embark on a change of attitude, change of mindset, and change of behaviour. While the majority of Maltese believe corruption is rampant, there is a high level of tolerance for it in the country. One only needs to read social media comments to realise that they don't see it as scandalous and shocking.
Corruption is a cancer. At first, it can look small and harmless. Before you know it, it has taken over an entire body. Likewise, the losses from corruption can start small, but in the end the damage is enormous. In many countries, like in Malta, corruption isn't actually a negative word. It is connected with friendship and taking care of family and group ̶ sort of 'ħbieb tal-ħbieb'.
The tools and best practice to fight corruption are well-known. Some of them have been translated into Maltese law, to be celebrated though often left moribund. The European Commission, the Council of Europe and others lament the lack of real progress. When their reports come out, Kafka is resurrected to change the verdict from 'scant progress' to 'significant advances.' It is often one step forward, three steps back.
Transparency is one of the most powerful allies in fighting corruption. When information on public spending, government agencies' work, and use of governmental benefits and privileges is freely available, it starts to reduce corruption. Instead, even modest safeguards have been removed or been made opaque. Asset declarations gone. Freedom of Information requests buried. Parliamentary Questions unanswered or fibbed off by inanities. Unexplained wealth laid to rest.
It's quite simple. More governance and transparency mean less corruption; less of them means more corruption.
Frans Camilleri is an economist