'Kartolini minn ħajti'

Author: Richard Muscat

Publisher: Self-published / 2023

Pages: 337

This is a book collated on Richard Muscat's 80th birthday, a Festschrift, one might say.

It is focused around key moments in Muscat's life but mainly around three key episodes of his life.

The first is his broadcasting from Ragusa in the darkest hour of Dom Mintoff's regime.

He has described this in his other book, Ghandi missjoni ghalik but here he adds details.

We already know the bare outlines but maybe we have not thought it through.

He says he was trying to get accepted by the Nationalist Party as a candidate in the next election when Eddie Fenech Adami surprised him with his "I have a mission for you" and sent him off to Sicily.

Richard had to think it over and discuss it with his wife who was to take care of their three boys. All in one night.

Then it was rush, rush, rush to catch the next ferry, at that time to Siracusa.

The radio, and later TV station, was born in an old decrepit farmhouse with the most rudimentary of apparatus.

Spares and parts were hidden in children's nappies and in packets of food.

But the surprise worked. Mintoff's regime had taken over all broadcasting and though the PN had instituted case after case in the law courts, they lost most battles. At one point, not even the name of the Leader of the Opposition could be mentioned.

But Studiorama and the primitive television station, Studio Master, broke the monopoly. People could now see what the government was hiding from them. Such as the massive PN mass meetings.

An enterprising kiosk owner in front of the Preluna connected a TV and huge crowds gathered to watch. The government closed down the kiosk.

Soon people were tuning in from all over the island. Mintoff's monopoly was broken. He and his regime then turned nasty and persecuted Richard with all they could think of.

Mintoff even threatened to tear up the neutrality agreement with Italy. At that time Giovanni Spadolini was PM.

It was only recently that a thought struck me: this idea did not come from Muscat, nor, it seems, from Eddie. It must have come from someone else, someone who knew Mintoff inside out and who knew how to bring out the worst in him. Someone whose name has not emerged so far.

If I am right, this person deserves more than a Gieh ir-Repubblika.

This move broke the Labour stranglehold on the media. If we today have pluralism in the media we owe it also to Muscat. And to this unknown person.

Then, after being self-exiled for seven years, Muscat came back and was made head of the Libyan-financed international radio Voice of the Mediterranean.

Here, he faced resistance from two key persons who had already made life a misery to Muscat's predecessor Richard Vella Laurenti.

For all his efforts Muscat was not successful.

I seem to remember however, an investigation by the auditor general with aspersions on over-spending on office furniture for the new office.

The two resistance-fighters did not give up and it was only Gaddafi, who at the end, forced the station to close down by not paying his share.

The third and final episode really shook me.

Muscat was appointed Ambassador to Ireland around the time that Malta joined the EU.

One day a young girl reported to the Gardai (police) that one of Muscat's sons had tried to rape her.

This allegation raised a huge stink on the Iurid Irish media and thence in Malta.

Muscat may not have been prompt to report the case to his minister hoping the storm would blow over.

This is never a good step. The son in question suffered from a mental disability.

In this case, as Muscat says clearly now, he was not defended by his own minister, Foreign Minister Michael Frendo.

At that time Minister Frendo was trying to get himself chosen as secretary general of the Commonwealth. So he called in Richard Muscat and practically ordered him to resign there and then because otherwise he would lose the Labour Party support in his bid.

Muscat did not really have to resign, neither at that point nor later. But his enforced resignation suited the minister's plan.

As it happened, Dr Frendo was not chosen and he later resigned from politics. And the Irish police did not find enough evidence to incriminate Mr Muscat Jr.

But the issue was a very serious one and it remains so. The minister threw Muscat under the bus so as to keep the Labour Opposition quiet, and thus he could fulfil his personal ambition.

Prime Minister Gonzi knew what was going on and supported Muscat but he did not have the "cojones" to stop this injustice.

The PN, the party of independence, the EU and the Euro, had lost the reason for its existence. Instead of fighting for justice, it allowed private ambition to prevail over an issue of justice. Muscat did not have to resign. He should have allowed justice to run its course. By obeying the minister and resigning prematurely he was seen by all as being guilty. Which he was not.

Anyone else would have left the party and banged the door on the way out. Muscat was too much of a believer to do that. This book subtly suggests that he may regret not having done so.

As the party today is getting prepared for yet another leader election it would do well to reflect on past mistakes like this and apologise to the victims of miscarriages of justice. And commit itself never to allow such injustices to recur.